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Instead, his Azerbaijani hosts insisted that the envoy’s planned investigation inside the Azerbaijani exclave of Nakhichevan (officially, Naxçıvan Autonomous Republic) could not proceed because it was motivated by fake news. As the expedition pushed eastwards, and the fall turned to winter, the Cornellians began to worry that the snows would prevent them from crossing the Taurus mountains, trapping them on the interior plateau. While Wrench and Olmstead pushed ahead with the carriages along the postal route, Charles led a small off-road party to document the monuments of the little-known region between Kayseri and Malatya. 5-03/S, ordering a detailed inventory of Nakhichevan’s monuments. Solomon, an Armenian from Ankara, had a knack for quizzing villagers regarding the location of remote monuments. A grainy photograph taken at Arslan Taş, “the lion's stone,” shows two figures bundled against the cold, doggedly waiting for a squeeze to dry. But with the help of the journals and notebooks that they left behind them, we can now see that they left a distinctly Cornellian stamp on the tradition of the archaeological voyage: unorthodox, open-minded, and unafraid of the snow. Büyükfırat kept the phone conversation cryptic and said he was involved in “major stuff that is important.” Mullah Muhammed prayed for him and added that “Allah will clear your path.” During police questioning, Mullah Muhammed denied knowing Büyükfırat, although Büyükfırat admitted he knew him well and described him as a close family cleric. For Sterrett, the expedition of 1907-08 was only the first step in an ambitious long-term plan for archaeological research in the Eastern Mediterranean. Olmstead, Wrench, and Charles made their separate ways to Athens, whence they sailed together for Istanbul

Since Azerbaijan banned international fact-finders from visiting Nakhichevan, the American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS) employed remote sensing technologies in its pioneer investigation into cultural destruction. Yet remote restoration of Nakhichevan’s lost Armenian monuments or alternative measures of accountability fall short of unanimous approval. Armenian researcher Samvel Karapetyan, whose diligent documentation of remote medieval Armenian monuments in Nagorno-Karabakh has been dubbed “constructive ultra-nationalism,” sees Azerbaijan’s destruction of Armenian monuments as an effort to neutralize Armenian “historical rights” or antiquity-derived political legitimacy in the region. A groundbreaking forensic report tracks Azerbaijan’s recent destruction of 89 medieval churches, 5,840 intricate cross-stones, and 22,000 tombstones. Missing from the 522-page “Encyclopedia” are the 89 medieval churches, 5,840 intricate khachkars, and 22,000 tombstones that Ayvazyan had meticulously documented. Scottish researcher Steven Sim had traveled to post-Soviet Nakhichevan to assess the condition of the Armenian churches photographed earlier by Ayvazyan. Today, the scholar Argam Ayvazyan - like all those of Armenian ethnicity and background - is banned by Azerbaijan’s government from visiting his native Nakhichevan. It is not just Armenians who have been affected by Azerbaijan’s government-sanctioned destruction in Nakhichevan. Armenian lobby.“ These were the words used by Azerbaijan’s president Ilham Aliyev - successor to and son of KGB-leader-turned-President Heydar Aliyev - to describe reports of Djulfa’s destruction in an April 2006 speech. In fact, the Aliyev regime’s controversy-riddled diplomacy promotes Azerbaijan as a “land of tolerance.” In 2012, the European Stability Initiative described Azerbaijan’s generous spending on lobbying and attempts to woo foreign allies as “caviar diplomacy.” This petrodollar-funded campaign has entailed various donations, including cultural preservation grants of undisclosed sums to the Vatican

nThe breathtakingly ornate stones of the world’s largest medieval Armenian cemetery were no more. I thought the mass destruction of Armenian monuments in Nakhchivan was a great shame of our nation.” Aylisli’s new essay also references a telegram he sent to Azerbaijan’s president in 1997, the year “when that monstrous vandalism had just begun.” Aylisili had actually published the text of this telegram in 2011 in a privately released Russian-language book with a circulation of just 50 copies. “After replacing his father in 2003 as president,” Yunus told us, “Ilham Aliyev upgraded Armenophobia to the levels of fascist Germany’s anti-Semitism.” The final purge of Nakhichevan’s medieval Armenian monuments, according to Yunus, was conceived by Ilham Aliyev to boost his nationalist credentials, while Vasif Talibov happily complied to remain in charge. The breathtakingly ornate stones of the world’s largest medieval Armenian cemetery were no more. Women and children in the village of Khramort were also being evacuated for security reasons, the Artsakh Information Center reported. Three children and a woman were inside their house at the time woke up to the shooting. At the time of the demolition, Azerbaijani historian Ziya Bunyadov downplayed the destruction

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